(In November, 1998, I went to Cuba as part of the delegation that was to include the Mayor of Mobile. We went there to celebrate the 479th year of the
founding of the village originally called San Cristobal de la Habana. I was asked by the magazine Business Alabama to write a story and to gauge any changes I may have witnessed during my trip three years earlier. In light of the recent passing of Fidel Castro, I thought it worth posting. I've taken out the hyperlinks to other sources and the images of Cuba and Cuban art that decorated the original piece. )
Imagine a policy that would not allow us to trade with a neighboring state whose people number greater than the combined populations of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, a state with nearly eleven million, literally captive, goods-starved consumers. Cuba, an island that is geographically larger than all of the other Caribbean islands combined, is the same length as the state of Florida, sits at its doorstep and shares much history with this region.
Iberville, the founder of Mobile, is buried in Havana. Cuba's first Governor, Hernando de Soto, traveled near Mobile on his way to discover the Mississippi.
The port cities of Mobile and Havana enjoyed extensive trading relationships for more than two centuries. Many Mobilians remember childhood visits to Cuban resorts. Yet, we don't trade with it. Instead, we are engaged in an unsubtle war spawned by forty years of mutual hostility.
There are, however, some hopeful signs that the US may heed the Pope's exhortation to "change, change, change" our policy towards Cuba. There are now seven US/Cuban Sister Cities relationships. Mobile takes pride in being the first.
The Mobile-La Habana Society was formed in 1993 after City of Mobile Archivist Jay Higginbotham traveled to Havana and its ecumenical choir Shalom accepted his reciprocal invitation to sing here. The relationship was broadened in 1994 when Mayor Mike Dow and a large delegation of Mobilians visited Havana to exchange formalities.
The society has hosted more than fifteen Cuban groups here, and has sent at least twenty groups there. Many Cuban dignitaries have visited here, including
the Deputy United Nations Minister and the Chief of the Cuban Interests Section. (Based in Washington, D.C., and Havana, each country's "Interests Section"
serves as de facto embassy for the two countries who officially do not have diplomatic relations. The chief of the Interest Section is the equivalent of an
ambassador.)
On a recent trip by the Society to Cuba in November, 1998 twenty one Mobile journalists, city officials, academics, businesspeople, and lawyers traveled
there to visit and to deliver humanitarian aid to churches and synagogues. The most recent trip in 2001 was a trip by medical professionals who visited there
and hope to exchange personnel and ideas.
During the 1998 trip, Daphne minister Rev. William Fontaine, Alabama delivered a sermon at the Martin Luther King Center. Higginbotham, gave a speech to the
delegates of the Sixth Annual Ibero-Americano Solidarity Conference at the National Assembly Hall, the venue where Fidel Castro gives his marathon orations. Higginbotham's remarks were immediately followed by those of Ricardo Alarcon de Quesada, President of the National Assembly of People's Power and touted by some to be Castro's successor.
The United States Chamber of Commerce has organized Americans for Humanitarian Trade with Cuba, a powerful lobbying group consisting of the most conservative voices in business. President Clinton had eased restrictions on travel to Cuba and the amount of money relatives could send there.
"The debate to end the embargo is no longer if, but when. The President's recommendations must be followed by the far reaching, positive results of lifting the Cuban embargo," the Chamber's President announced. USA Engage was organized and has behind it the collective might of high-powered US firms such as Archer Daniels Midland, Caterpillar, and others.
In the United Nations 143 countries have gone on record as asking the US to end the embargo and even 24 top Republicans have officially asked President Clinton to reevaluate he policy. Cuba boasts of some important natural resources such as cobalt, nickel, iron ore, copper, manganese, salt, timber, silica, and petroleum. Tourism has now surpassed Sugar as the island's economic mainstay and has been touted by the Cubans as the "heart of the economy".
No wonder. Cuba has significant natural resources - pristine beaches, artificial reefs, exotic flora and fauna and a history of tourism. Cuban tourism had been so developed that by the 1940s 275,000 tourists visited the island, almost three fourths of them from the United States. Immediately prior to The Cuban Revolution its tourism industry was the most advanced in the area, accounting for a third of the Carribean's market share. Of course, the number of visitors to the island fell precipitously during the 60s and 70s.
But, in 1982 the Cuban government recognized tourism as a potential area for exploitation. Driven no doubt by the looming personal crisis brought on by the breakup of the Soviet Union, in 1992 they prioritized it as an essential element of the country's economic plan.
The economic crisis had worsened in Cuba, its capacity for importation reduced some 73 per cent from the previous three years, a 35 per cent loss of GDP. They began developing economic arrangements with foreigners in order to exploit their formidable natural resources, and to help jumpstart their other developing basic industries.
It was a propitious decision. The number of visitors to the island doubled during the decade of the 80s and tourism began to rival sugar, minerals and biotechnology as a prime source of revenue. The rate of growth for the tourism industry now has it doubling its numbers every five years. (how to get there)
In 1992, 460,000 persons visited the island bringing an influx of cash to the tune of about $530 million. In order to harness this beast the Cuban government has entered into development ventures with Spanish, Mexican, Canadian and other European companies. When you stay at a hotel in Cuba it is often partially owned or managed by a foreign company. This may be why senior level executives from US airlines, hotels, and financial service companies have recently traveled as guests of the Cuban government on what are called "familiarization tours".
Are the Cubans really turning it around? By 1994 the Cubans hoped that they had righted the overturned canoe that was their economy with a reported reversal of the precipitous downward trend, a slight in economic growth. In 1995, the GDP increased by 2.5% and by 7.8% in 1996. Export earnings rose an estimated 40% in 1996 to $2.1 billion. Imports rose for the second straight year, growing by an estimated 26% to $3.5 billion.
A short flight from Cancun, Cuba. A few inconsistencies mark the terrain as foreign. But, it's your typical, busy, modern and beautiful airport terminal. It's brand-spanking-new. Before there had been two dismal hangers. Our first trip, a five-hour landlubber hell boat ride from the Keys had ended with an interminable wait at Hemmingway Marina. Cuban Customs couldn't figure out what to do with us. This time, the boat traveling as part of our
group is forced to follow procedure and report to Havana harbor.
At the airport our bags are now inspected by x-ray and the Customs inspection is cursory. The terminal is packed. Police presence is ubiquitous, as expected. I saw him spot me. He was a city block away and made a beeline for me. Courteous and overly gracious the elderly uniformed man inspects my passport and bags, even my wallet, as we discuss the purpose of my trip.
It wasn't until I got to Cancun that I considered the issue of a laptop, thanks to a huge sign there that lists every electrical device known to man as being prohibited. My laptop and digital cameras had passed baggage inspection and were now on my back. The officer, obviously still suspicious, is nonetheless
mollified. "Have a pleasant stay in our country, sir."
Cuba is like the Puerto Rico of my youth. The terminal is packed, tourists coming in and going out and Cubans there to pick up relatives. Outside, there is a line of taxis like the one we just left in Mexico. Efficiently, briskly, we had been guided to a cab, our bags in tow. But, thanks to the Cuban grapevine, our friend was there to pick us up.
We crammed our bags into every nook and cranny of Danis' 1949 Chevy and piled in. He was proud of having his carrito and at the inventiveness with which the car has been kept alive. He laughed, derisively pointing out the bicycle light that served as a dashboard indicator. He knew we are used to better but he was grateful for what he had and we were grateful that he had come to get us. Reminiscing, here again, we were in Havana.
Twenty minutes into our arrival, however, we were under a street light on the side of the road in an urban part of Havana going through an interrogation that was both ludicrous and scary. We had come twelve days after the Cuban authorities announced that they were cracking down and their presence was ubiquitous.
While the crime rate in Cuba is amazingly low, the visibility of the jineteras (loosely speaking, prostitutes) and the possibility that there might be a perception that crime and drug use are increasing spawned a crackdown. (Jineterismo) The police officers believed our friend was a botero (gypsy cab) someone who refuses to pay the private licensing fee that is part of the new economic agenda.
We get stopped near the university. Danis goes out to speak with the police, leaving me instructions not to say anything. "They're going to arrest him," his wife says. "Why?" I ask. I have fallen into a cultural sinkhole. Ever since the Pope's visit the Cuban authorities have been cracking down and their presence is everywhere. Articles like Havana at 3 a.m., (Esquire, May, 1995), detailing the sexual antics of tourists and jineteras probably didn't help the situation either.
Botero, like Jinetera is an epithet. A botero is, literally, someone who persons a boat. In the old days little boats would carry passengers, plying point-to-point along Havana harbor. In addition, to the illegal botero there are private cabs that are authorized to drive Cubans along certain routes, much like the publico (jitney) in Puerto Rico. Getting a cab in the non tourist parts of Havana can turn out to be an ordeal. Except for the cars that are marked as taxis, it's hard to know who is legal and who is not.
If you're in a tourist area take a regular cab. There's always some Cuban that is willing to take the risk of driving you around but on our last trip the police were stopping everyone. One of our drivers was stopped and we spent an hour at the local police station while they questioned him. If you're on the outskirts, it's really dicey. Some cars will pick you up but will not take you to a tourist section because they are afraid of getting picked up by the police.
In 1996, the government announced an increase in taxes on much of Cuba's cottage industry. Consequently, the number of legally registered self-employed workers dropped and that is another reason for the crackdown. The penalty for illegal cab activity is a fine and possibly the loss of the vehicle. We spent another hour trying to convince them that he truly is a friend that we have known for years.
The police in Cuba do not enjoy the respect that our police get. As part of the state apparatus, they are viewed with suspicion and they, in turn, appear to view everyone as a malefactor. Tourists are treated deferentially by the police. This also breeds discontent since many Cubans feel that tourists are gorging themselves while they are facing privation.
Mistrust and hatred for the police is also partially wrapped up in the issue of racism. Understanding the issue and treatment of racism is really much more difficult in Cuba. There, too, it is not condoned. And, the population - while officially 60 per cent white - is highly mixed. You will see couples and families comprising every possible genetic combination. But racism is endemic there. It comes up in every conversation and in every context.
Havanans also appear to have a rural bias that translates into racism, especially against those from Oriente Province. Because no one wants the job, policemen are recruited from the countryside. Service with the police can also supplant conscription. As a result, many of the police are rural, undereducated, boorish and, ofttimes, black. A Cuban, innocent or guilty, will brazenly confront a policeman. The level of discourse can be quite unnerving.
I left the discussion, partly because I didn't believe we could make any headway with the officer's intransigence and partly because I believed that my friend was going to get pummeled. But, he finally talked us out of our problem and we were on our way to get a room.
We had made out reservations over the internet but hadn't made any deposit or heard back from them. We got to the Nacional and indeed we had the reservations we had made through the internet. At least that went right.
We take our friend out for a beer and we got ripped off. We are bummed and went home early.
Cubans have their needs administered by the state. They live on poorly rationed essentials and meager fixed salaries.("En Cuba No Falta Nada" is the name of a salsa song that disparages Fidel Castro's assertion that no one in Cuba is lacking anything.) There is a brisk black market trade in the cash crops of cigars, music and art. Everyone lives by their wits, engaging in some form of legal or illegal scheme.
When the bottom fell out of the Cuban economy many of those scams developed into officially condoned activities. The free trade that has survived the state economy is small potatoes stuff like renting rooms, gypsy cabs, artisan work, and private restaurants (paladares), all now begrudgingly regulated as part of economic reform.
In 1994, the government introduced farmer's markets at which state and private farmers can sell above-quota production at market prices. There are also open air fairs (ferias) where artists sell art, music, food and tourist items. Downtown's Plaza de Armas, where one of these is located, and the surrounding area, has really changed.
The downtown area is full of shops that actually have things in them. The restaurants are doing a brisk tourist trade. Before, it was really difficult to find much for sale anywhere. The quantity and the quality of things for sale has drastically increased. It is now full of goods and there is a lot of the high grade art for which the Cubans have traditionally enjoyed a reputation.
The party scene in Cuba had been vibrant. Drawn by the opportunity to see some of the world's premiere salsa groups, the discos had been packed and the bacchanal was in full throttle. Now, after a period of closures, they operate under severe scrutiny and absurd strictures.
I asked my dance companion what had happened to change things in such a short time. "In Cuba," she says, "things are always changing, if you come back
tomorrow it will be different." Because it is a one-party state, the Cuban government can institute changes rapidly. It is the average citizen who must constantly compensate for every dip and turn and, like the Ginger Rogers quip, do it backwards and in high heels.
At Estadio Latino-Americano (Latin-American stadium) to see a baseball game, I spoke at length with an older man who worked in the sugar cane industry before his retirement. He is very pro-state, but not uncritical. He has lived under both systems, was a militant at one time and seems to be rooted pragmatically. He acknowledges the strides made by Castro's pragmatism, but sees a further need to break out of socialism's intrinsic restrictions.
It is a moribund system and must adapt further, he notes. "We used to harvest with ox carts and harvest was x. Now we have all sorts of resources and can't do it," he said. He thinks its because the managers now don't have the incentive. Old system managers got part of the crop. He is also bitter about Angola's cost in economic terms and in the loss of two million men. The money spent on the expansion of revolution was a lost opportunity to rebuild Cuba. Fidel Castro is a hero to him but he also recognizes that Fidel has been there a long time and above criticism. "He has made terrible mistakes that if anyone else made they would be gone."
The rental of rooms is now licensed and regulated. I stayed with a nice middle-aged Cuban couple and their son. At one time she and her family did very well because the three of them were well employed. She recounts the suffering of the "Special Period", the time during the economic crisis of the early nineties. But, she can see that things are getting better.
She rents out the room to supplement her salary which has been cut since she became disabled. She explains the complicated daily process of making ends meet. "We spend most of our time trying to figure out honest ways to make a living, " she said. Nowhere is the complexity of their situation more evident than the maddening currency situation under which Cuba lives. The government and the average citizen must compensate for and plan on a constantly shifting playing
field.
In a supposedly classless society, there exist two parallel economies (Cuban and Tourist) with two interrelated monetary currencies. If I go to the ball game with a Cuban she would, theoretically, pay a peso and I would pay a dollar. The contradictions are heightened by the fact that the official currency, the Cuban Peso, is worth a fraction of the other official currency, the U.S. Dollar. (The Convertible was introduced a few years ago and it has an exchange rate of 1:1 to the dollar. Mostly, however, trade is done in dollars.)
In planning her household our landlady must balance what she will receive for rations, what will be available at the farmer's market, at what price, and the two different and fluctuating exchange rates. "We get confused," she admits. But the confusion, double talk and contradiction is not limited to the Cuban side of the equation.
Basing their actions on the old-fashioned notion that relations between the citizens of countries can't be a bad thing, the Mobile-La Habana Society has nonetheless had to deal with some old world realpolitik . On his initial trip to Havana Higginbotham had extended an invitation to his Havana host Mayor Pedro Chavez to visit Mobile. That invitation was subsequently sabotaged by the US authorities. The 1994 trip by Dow was questioned by our authorities, causing some of the more jittery participants to drop out.
In 1993 the Bishop of Havana's Methodist Church was allowed to visit Mobile but Havana's Chamber of Commerce President was denied a visa. Our state department felt his visit was "not quite routine". And, in 1998 an embarrassed Fernando Perez, First Secretary of the Cuban Interests Section, would come from
Washington, D.C. to Mobile to personally protocol Mike Dow concerning the Mayor's upcoming visit and the Cuban decision to withdraw their invitation to him.
The US Treasury Department, it seems, had forewarned the Cubans that "Fully Hosted" visits by groups meant what the regulations said they meant, that the members of the group would be required to have all of their needs paid for by the Cuban government. The Mobile group would be carefully watched. The Cubans had just seen their friends from the Port of Jacksonville embarrassed by the imposition of sanctions.
They did not want that to happen to Dow and they weren't anxious to be caught in the middle of another fracas. The mayor understood. In fact, he was so
appreciative of their efforts that he invited Fernando de Remerez, the current head of the Cuban Interests Section, to Mobile. He will visit on April 5 and 6.
Understandably, the Cubans do not premise their plans as somehow contingent on the survival of any one personality. They act only on the assumption that their
country will be here for the long haul and that what they must do is work at improving all facets of their economy.
It is a multi-front war and towards that end, they have aggressively sought to foster relationships with the ports of Jacksonville and Mobile. These offer the comforts of proximity, size and modernity and the political tranquility that Miami and Tampa lack. In the past four years Perez has traveled extensively to Mobile, a sign that the cash-strapped Cubans consider Mobile an important touchstone in their campaign to normalize relations between the two countries. "We will never forget that you were the first. You will always hold a special place for us."
